Aktuelle Publikationen

Auf dieser Seite finden Sie die chronologisch geordneten Veröffentlichungen unserer Wissenschaftler*innen aus den vergangenen Jahren.

Aktuelle Publikationen (Politik- und Verwaltungswissenschaft)

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  • Das Politische im Technischen : eine Analyse der Organisation und Angebotsattraktivität des Schienenpersonennahverkehrs in Deutschland



  • Geese, Lucas; Martínez-Cantó, Javier (2023): Working as a team : Do legislators coordinate their geographic representation efforts in party-centred environments? Party Politics. Sage. 2023, 29(5), pp. 918-928. ISSN 1354-0688. eISSN 1460-3683. Available under: doi: 10.1177/13540688221098157

    Working as a team : Do legislators coordinate their geographic representation efforts in party-centred environments?


    Why do legislators engage in geographic representation in party-centred electoral systems, where they face weak re-election incentives to cultivate a personal vote? Existing research offers cross-pressuring incentive structures and intrinsic localism motivations as individual-level factors to explain this puzzle. In this article, we propose an alternative argument based on the principle of collective action within party-internal structures of labour division. We argue that legislators elected in the same multi-member district and under the same party label (party delegations) share collective vote-seeking incentives to collaborate with each other in order to strike a balance between the collective benefits and individual costs of constituency-oriented activities. Results from a comparative study of written parliamentary questions in Germany and Spain support our argument. Specifically, the study suggests that individual localism attributes interact with the team composition of party delegations to shape constituency-orientated behaviour.

  • Attia, Hana; Grauvogel, Julia (2023): Monitoring the Monitor? : Selective Responses to Human Rights Transgressions International Studies Quarterly. Oxford University Press. 2023, 67(2), sqad014. ISSN 0020-8833. eISSN 1468-2478. Available under: doi: 10.1093/isq/sqad014

    Monitoring the Monitor? : Selective Responses to Human Rights Transgressions


    Sanctions are among the most frequently used foreign policy tools to address human rights violations, but they can be highly politicized. Since the early 2000s, human rights sanctions have been increasingly triggered by standardized rankings of states’ performances. While research on economic statecraft suggests that coercive measures based on cross-national assessments may be less influenced by strategic considerations, scholarship on rankings highlights how standardized performance indicators can also be political. This paper investigates whether sanctions based on standardized human rights assessments are also influenced by senders’ strategic political and economic interests. Empirically, we examine the case of United States human trafficking sanctions that combines universal rankings in the first stage and country-specific sanctions waivers in the second. The analysis leverages novel data on all Trafficking in Persons (TIP) rankings by the US State Department and presidential sanctions waivers from 2003 to 2018. Despite the TIP report's reputation as a reliable indicator, we find that both stages in the process of imposing human trafficking sanctions are driven by strategic attempts to minimize the economic and political costs of sanctions for the US. These findings have broader implications for the reputation and effectiveness of other human rights rankings by the US.

  • Dobbins, Michael; Labanino, Rafael; Riedel, Rafał; Czarnecki, Szczepan; Horváthová, Brigitte; Szyszkowska, Emilia (2023): Organized interests in post-communist policy-making : a new dataset for comparative research Interest Groups & Advocacy. Springer. 2023, 12(1), pp. 73-101. ISSN 2047-7414. eISSN 2047-7422. Available under: doi: 10.1057/s41309-022-00172-1

    Organized interests in post-communist policy-making : a new dataset for comparative research


    This article familiarizes readers with the international research project ‘The Missing Link: Exploring Organized Interests in Post-Communist Policy-Making’ (OrgIntCEE). The project team has focused on how populations of organized interests in the region have evolved, how they interact with state institutions as well as the group-specific characteristics driving access to policy-makers. The project also explores how Europeanization has affected post-communist interest groups as well as other factors contributing to their “coming-of-age.” We provide a comprehensive overview of the population ecology and survey datasets, while shedding light on the challenges during the data collection process. After a short overview of the project context and structure, we present some country-specific aggregated data on organizational densities and their political activity. We also reflect on potential uses for the data, before wrapping up the article with a self-critical assessment of what could have been done differently as a roadmap for future research.

  • Eckhard, Steffen; Patz, Ronny; Schönfeld, Mirco; van Meegdenburg, Hilde (2023): International bureaucrats in the UN Security Council debates : A speaker-topic network analysis Journal of European Public Policy. Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. 2023, 30(2), pp. 214-233. ISSN 1350-1763. eISSN 1466-4429. Available under: doi: 10.1080/13501763.2021.1998194

    International bureaucrats in the UN Security Council debates : A speaker-topic network analysis


    Intergovernmental deliberations in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) are typically considered the realm of sovereign nation states. We challenge this position by studying the role of the UN Secretariat in UNSC debates, focusing on the debates on Afghanistan (1995–2017). We combine natural language processing with a network theoretical perspective to observe speaker position, topic introduction, and topic evolution and we complement this analysis with an illustrative case study. The quantitative analysis shows that UN officials take an overall impartial position but that they do, at times, introduce and promote their own topics putting them in the position to shape the debate. The qualitative case study selects one ‘bureaucratic topic’ to confirm bureaucratic agency. Combined, our methods allow to study the role of speakers in a debate and show that the UN bureaucracy acted as an autonomous speechmaker even in a venue were bureaucratic agency seems unlikely – the UNSC.

  • (2023): Public opinion towards welfare state reform : The role of political trust and government satisfaction European Journal of Political Research. Wiley. 2023, 62(1), pp. 197-220. ISSN 0304-4130. eISSN 1475-6765. Available under: doi: 10.1111/1475-6765.12501

    Public opinion towards welfare state reform : The role of political trust and government satisfaction


    The traditional welfare state, which emerged as a response to industrialization, is not well equipped toaddress the challenges of today’s post-industrial knowledge economies. Experts and policymakers have thereforecalled for welfare state readjustment towards a ‘social investment’ model (focusing on human skills and capabilities). Under what conditions are citizens willing to accept such future-oriented reforms? We point at the crucialbut hitherto neglected role of citizens’ trust in and satisfaction with government. Trust and satisfaction matterbecause future-oriented reforms generate uncertainties, risks and costs, which trust and government satisfactioncan attenuate. We offer micro-level causal evidence using experiments in a representative survey covering eightEuropean countries and confirm these findings with European Social Survey data for 22 countries. We find thattrust and government satisfaction increase reform support and moderate the effects of self-interest and ideologicalstandpoints. These findings have crucial implications not least because they help explain why some countriesmanage – but others fail – to enact important reforms.

  • (2023): Can the social dimension of time contribute to explain the public evaluation of political change? : The case of European integration International Journal of Comparative Sociology. Sage. 2023, 64(1), pp. 57-76. ISSN 0020-7152. eISSN 1745-2554. Available under: doi: 10.1177/00207152221108641

    Can the social dimension of time contribute to explain the public evaluation of political change? : The case of European integration


    According to social theorists of time, the way societies structure and value different aspects of time plays an important role in people’s perception and evaluation of economic, political, and cultural change. I explore if two dimensions of social time—social acceleration and long-term orientation—have an effect on the public evaluation of the speed of European integration. Combining Eurobarometer data for 27 societies with measures for social acceleration and time horizons, the results show distinct patterns for the perception and preferences of European integration. Whereas I find no connection between dimensions of social time and the perceived speed of integration, more social acceleration and cultural long-term orientation lead to a desire for a slower speed of European integration. Even when controlled for other economic and political macro-factors, temporal structures can play a key role in the evaluation of political change in European societies.

  • Digital Adaptation in Autocracies


    In recent years, the world has witnessed drastic changes to information and communication technologies, ranging from the emergence of digital communication tools in previously disconnected areas to the permanent development of even more sophisticated tools. To this day, nearly half of the global population is connected to the World Wide Web, making the exchange of information and communication accessible and attainable to most parts of the world. These rapid changes have forever changed the way in which political actors communicate with one another, allowing not only for new possibilities on how information travels, but also how these channels can be restricted or manipulated to meet strategical goals. In sum, exerting control over the digital space manifests power over communication flows and political actors have a strong interest to defend their political stance in the digital environment. In this dissertation, I address the ability of political actors in authoritarian regimes to adapt to such substantial changes to communication in order to sustain in a world that has become increasingly more digitized.

    In the first paper, I address the use of repressive tools both on the ground and in the digital space in order to silence domestic dissent. Previously, research has exclusively looked at non-digital or digital repression separately and it remains puzzling under which circumstances either one of these options is preferred. I argue that authoritarian leaders are not only influenced by domestic factors but that international pressure influences the decision-making process whether to repress the public physically or digitally. As digital repression is less incisive, visible and harmful than physical suppression, I argue that the autocrat will trend towards repression in the digital space when international dependencies are high. Therefore, I examine the use of physical violence, Internet outages and online censorship as a response to domestic protest when international linkages are high. Relying on event data and fine-grained Internet measurement data, I find that digital repression, and in particular content filtering, is increasingly present during protest events when political alliances with other democratic countries are built, but not when investments appear at stake.

    In the second project, I outline how digital repression, in particular Internet shutdowns, are evaluated by the broader public. Deprivation caused by a halt in Internet services can stir anger and frustration among citizens, who would have any reason to evaluate their government as less positive in the aftermath of an Internet shutdown. Why is it then that the government orders such incisive measures when a harsh backlash from the population can be expected? By using survey data from the Afrobarometer in combination with data on Internet outages, I do not find that citizens have a lower evaluation of their government in the aftermath of an Internet shutdown. This might be caused by a lack of awareness to associate the incidence to state repression, or that actions are justified for the greater good. This finding implies for the autocrat that the implementation of a sudden halt in Internet services is most likely not to cause a backlash effect and can be imposed upon the public when necessary.

    In the third paper, written together with Nils B. Weidmann, we examine in how far citizens are able to adapt digitally to contentious situations on the ground. During protest events, citizens might divert to anonymity-preserving technologies like \textit{The Onion Router} to circumvent online censorship and surveillance. In this study, we use protest data and data on the Tor network in combination. The results show that Tor usage increases after a series of protest events, and that this relationship is more pronounced in countries with social media censorship.

    In sum, this dissertation shows that in today's world authoritarian figures, who tend to be in asymmetric control over the Internet, are capable of adapting to rapid changes to the digital infrastructure by using it to their own advantage. Novel digital repressive tactics allow for less incisive and visible ways to silence protests when international dependencies are at stake. Moreover, the implementation of Internet shutdowns does not create a potential backlash from the public, making it a powerful tool to control information access and diffusion. However, not only authoritarian regimes have adapted to the changing environment of the digital space. Citizens have been equally successful in claiming the digital space to themselves by overcoming online censorship in the light of protest events on the ground.

  • (2023): Financing the welfare state in times of extreme crisis : public support for health care spending during the Covid-19 pandemic in Germany Journal of European Public Policy. Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. 2023, 30(1), pp. 21-40. ISSN 1350-1763. eISSN 1466-4429. Available under: doi: 10.1080/13501763.2021.1977375

    Financing the welfare state in times of extreme crisis : public support for health care spending during the Covid-19 pandemic in Germany


    Employing new and original survey data collected in three waves (April/May and November 2020 as well as May 2021) in Germany, this paper studies the dynamics of individual-level support for additional health care spending. A first major finding is that, so far, health care spending preferences have not radically changed during the Covid-19 pandemic, at least at the aggregate level. A more detailed analysis reveals, secondly, that individual-level support for additional spending on health care is strongly conditioned by performance perceptions and, to a lesser extent, general political trust. Citizens who regard the system as badly (well) prepared to cope with the crisis are more likely to support (oppose) additional spending. Higher levels of political trust are also positively associated with spending support, but to a lesser degree. The paper concludes by discussing the implications of these findings for policy-making and welfare state politics in the post-pandemic era.

  • Eingetrübte Aussichten : Das Konstanzer Ungleichheitsbarometer belegt die Wahrnehmung zunehmender Ungleichheit


    Die Daten der neuen Erhebungswelle des Konstanzer Ungleichheitsbarometers zeigen, dass die Menschen in Deutschland eine weithin zunehmende Ungleichheit von Einkommen und Vermögen wahrnehmen – nicht zuletzt weil die Befragten kaum unterscheiden zwischen der Einkommensungleicheit und der in Realität noch größeren Vermögensungleichheit. Gleichzeitig wird das Ausmaß der Ungleichheit weiterhin in gewisser Hinsicht unterschätzt. Die Zukunftsaussichten

    für die jüngere Generation beurteilen viele eher negativ, vor allen Dingen die Anhängerschaft der AfD. Weniger pessimistisch sind Anhänger*innen von CDU/CSU und FDP.

  • Mader, Matthias; Schoen, Harald (2023): Stability of National‐Identity Content : Level, Predictors, and Implications Political Psychology. Wiley. 2023, 44(4), pp. 871-891. ISSN 0162-895X. eISSN 1467-9221. Available under: doi: 10.1111/pops.12888

    Stability of National‐Identity Content : Level, Predictors, and Implications


    A neglected topic in empirical research on national identity is its stability at the individual level, and this is especially true for its content, that is, the meaning elements that people associate with the concept of nation. In this article, we study the stability of key dimensions of national-identity content. We ask three simple questions: How stable is national-identity content—as captured in the ethnic/civic framework—at the level of individual citizens? Are there clear differences in stability across subgroups? What are the implications of interindividual differences in stability? Analyzing data from four waves of a large-scale panel survey of German citizens (N = 4,654) collected over a five-year period (2016–21), we show that there is high but not perfect stability of the degree to which individuals subscribe to ethnic and civic criteria of nationhood. Second, we find little difference in stability as a function of several theoretically selected characteristics. Third, we show that the association between national-identity content and relevant political attitudes (immigration attitudes and far-right party support) increases with intraindividual stability. These findings have important implications for our understanding of how national-identity content is shaped and mobilized and how it can influence political attitudes and behaviors.

  • (2023): Rasmus Glenthøj, Morten Nordhagen Ottosen: Union eller undergang : Kampen for et forenet Skandinavien Nordeuropaforum. Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Nordeuropa-Institut, pp. 63-65. eISSN 1863-639X. Available under: doi: 10.18452/26447

    Rasmus Glenthøj, Morten Nordhagen Ottosen: Union eller undergang : Kampen for et forenet Skandinavien



  • Bardon, Aurélia; Bonotti, Matteo; Zech, Steven T.; Ridge, William (2023): Disaggregating Civility : Politeness, Public-Mindedness and Their Connection British Journal of Political Science. Cambridge University Press. 2023, 53(1), pp. 308-325. ISSN 0007-1234. eISSN 1469-2112. Available under: doi: 10.1017/S000712342100065X

    Disaggregating Civility : Politeness, Public-Mindedness and Their Connection


    Calls for civility feature prominently in public discourse, and the concept has received growing attention by political philosophers recently. But what does it mean to be civil? The existing literature distinguishes between two main understandings of civility: civility as politeness and civility as public-mindedness. The objective of this article is to show that these conceptions and the different normative claims associated with them can all fit together. We argue that civility and incivility should be disaggregated in order to uncover fruitful connections between different aspects of the concept. We introduce a distinction between two dimensions of civility as public-mindedness (moral and justificatory), as well as a new distinction between the means and ends of civility. We examine the complex connections between the different dimensions of (in)civility and show that the disaggregation of civility and incivility tells us what kind of (in)civility matters, as well as when and why.

  • Malang, Thomas; Schraff, Dominik (2023): How differentiated integration shapes the constraining dissensus Journal of European Public Policy. Routledge. ISSN 1350-1763. eISSN 1466-4429. Available under: doi: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2229377

    How differentiated integration shapes the constraining dissensus


    If European Union (EU) member states realise differentiations in EU Treaties, what effect do we see on public and political support for future integration? We argue on the basis of a two-tier integration theory and postfunctionalism that differentiations of member states do lead to a preference for slower future integration by its citizens and parties. Once citizens and parties are used to opting out, they demand more of the same in the future. We test our arguments with time-series cross-sectional data for 1994–2018 on all voluntary primary law opt-outs in the EU. Our panel matching estimates demonstrate that opt-outs decrease integration support. After a differentiation, parties become more Eurosceptic on average and publics express a lower preference for future integration. This suggests that differentiated integration is not a cure against Euroscepticism that leads to a unified EU in the future but rather reinforces two-tier integration.

  •   30.06.25  
    (2023): Policy agendas in Germany : database and descriptive insights The Journal of Legislative Studies. Taylor & Francis. 2023, 29(4), pp. 485-497. ISSN 1357-2334. eISSN 1743-9337. Available under: doi: 10.1080/13572334.2021.2010395

    Policy agendas in Germany : database and descriptive insights


    Agenda-setting focuses on how political issues emerge within society, enter parliamentary debates and are responded to by government decisions. We introduce a database that traces policy issues in Germany between 1978 and 2017. These political activities include political inputs (public opinion), processes (party manifestos, parliamentary questions and government speeches), as well as outputs (laws). Each activity’s topic is identified using the Comparative Policy Agendas scheme. Collectively, these observations comprise the policy agendas of Germany. We highlight the database potential by describing all German policy issues for the 39-year period and by tracking how immigration became a political issue.

  • Lauri, Triin; Põder, Kaire; Kunitsõn, Nikolai (2023): Discrimination or explained differences? : Individual and school-level effects explaining the minority achievement gap Journal of Baltic Studies. Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. 2023, 54(3), pp. 553-580. ISSN 0162-9778. eISSN 1751-7877. Available under: doi: 10.1080/01629778.2022.2103579

    Discrimination or explained differences? : Individual and school-level effects explaining the minority achievement gap


    This study is motivated by the distinctive outcome of the minority achievement gap in Estonia and Latvia, countries with similar legacies and socio-economic development. We have four sub-groups of schools involving pairs of instructing languages: Estonian and Russian in Estonia, and Latvian and Russian in Latvia. All four are above average performers according to international comparisons. Still, our data show that a remarkable achievement gap between majority and minority students exists only in Estonia. We employ the Oaxaca–Blinder twofold decomposition technique to explore the factors behind the minority achievement gap (MAG). We are able to explain almost half of the gap in Estonia by peer effects and the larger concentration of immigrants in minority schools. In Latvia, on the contrary, the average peer effect is positive in minority schools. Still, regarding the essence of the unexplained gap, our results remain inconclusive.

  • (2023): Where Do the Less Affluent Vote? : The Effect of Neighbourhood Social Context on Individual Voting Intentions in England Political Studies. Sage Publishing. 2023, 71(2), pp. 518-541. ISSN 0032-3217. eISSN 1467-9248. Available under: doi: 10.1177/00323217211027480

    Where Do the Less Affluent Vote? : The Effect of Neighbourhood Social Context on Individual Voting Intentions in England


    A widely accepted finding in the literature on political participation is that individuals living in poorer neighbourhoods are less likely to vote than those living in more affluent neighbourhoods. Yet, why some poor residents of the most deprived neighbourhoods are more likely to vote than others is still understudied. This article presents a new theoretical framework arguing that when they believe that most others vote in the neighbourhood, poor citizens are more likely to follow their example than wealthy citizens. To empirically test these claims, I develop a two-level multilevel model using survey data and the Index of Multiple Deprivation for England. My findings point to the higher importance of a social norm of voting for the political behaviour of poor individuals than wealthy individuals. Social norms define which behaviour is right and proper. They are enforced through social interactions with others.

  • Klingert, Sonja; Niederkofler, Michael; de Meer, Hermann; Bielig, Mona; Gagin, Stepan; Kacperski, Celina; Strobbe, Matthias (2023): The Best of both Worlds : Social and Technical Challenges of Creating Energy Islands KLEIN, Cornel, ed., Matthias JARKE, ed.. Proceedings of the 12th International Conference on Smart Cities and Green ICT Systems. Setúbal, Portugal: SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2023, pp. 129-136. ISSN 2184-4968. ISBN 978-989-758-651-4. Available under: doi: 10.5220/0011974600003491

    The Best of both Worlds : Social and Technical Challenges of Creating Energy Islands


    Creating so-called “energy islands” with a high level of energetic self-sufficiency is one strategy to fight climate crisis. To become a realistic goal, such a concept needs trans-disciplinary research that defines promising transformation paths towards reaching this vision. The presented paper introduces a conceptual framework that provides approaches for technical optimization across all energy vectors, socio-technical optimization of the usage of energy demand flexibility, socio-psychological interventions, and a replication strategy that considers all these different aspects. The focus lies on the architecture of a management system that answers requirements also from social sciences, on engagement strategies and on defining a cross-vector, cross-disciplinary design for flexibility in terms of demand-response schemes.

  • (2023): Gábor Scheiring: The Retreat of Liberal Democracy : Authoritarian Capitalism and the Accumulative State in Hungary Competition & Change. Sage Publishing. 2023, 27(1), pp. 247-250. ISSN 1024-5294. eISSN 1477-2221. Available under: doi: 10.1177/10245294211049501

    Gábor Scheiring: The Retreat of Liberal Democracy : Authoritarian Capitalism and the Accumulative State in Hungary


    The article reviews Gábor Scheiring's 2020 book "The Retreat of Liberal Democracy: Authoritarian Capitalism and the Accumulative State in Hungary". The book gives an innovative, theory-driven answer to the puzzle of Hungarian democratic breakdown. It places the Hungarian post-communist transition in the framework of dependent capitalism (Cardoso and Faletto, 1979), and in the broader historical perspective of capitalist development (Wolfe, 1977). Admittedly, the book does not seek to account for all possible conditions of the Hungarian democratic breakdown. In sake of parsimonious theory development, it zooms in on the actors and social classes most crucial to the central argument. Although this is a legitimate research strategy, it still leaves the testing of the framework for subsequent studies.The power of Scheiring’s argument rests on how his actor-based narrative is rooted in and connected to the structural constraints of dependent capitalist development. While the argument is based on a single case study, it offers a general warning about the future of democratic capitalism.

  • Arnold, Christian; Engst, Benjamin G.; Gschwend, Thomas (2023): Scaling Court Decisions with Citation Networks Journal of Law and Courts. Cambridge University Press. 2023, 11(1), pp. 25-44. ISSN 2164-6570. eISSN 2164-6589. Available under: doi: 10.1086/717420

    Scaling Court Decisions with Citation Networks



    dc.contributor.author: Arnold, Christian; Gschwend, Thomas

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