Aktuelle Publikationen

dc.title:

Recently, various Central and Eastern European countries have experienced a regression of democratic quality, often resulting in the emergence of competitive (semi‐)authoritarian regimes with an illiberal governing ideology. This has often been accompanied by a closing political space for civil society groups. Based on a survey of more than 400 Polish, Hungarian, Czech, and Slovenian interest organizations, we explore, in the context of backsliding, the conditions under which organized interests shift their lobbying activities to alternative, i.e., EU or regional levels. Our statistical analyses indicate that it is rather exclusive policy‐making in general than a lack of individual group access to domestic policy networks that motivate organizations to engage in multilevel lobbying. However, it appears that organizational self‐empowerment and inter‐group cooperation are the “name of the game.” Even under the adverse conditions of democratic backsliding, organizations that are accumulating expertise, professionalizing their operations, and cooperating with other organizations not only can sustain access to (illiberal) national governments but also branch out their operations to the European and regional levels.

Policy signals are often conceived of as positions on an ideological scale. However, apart from the position – considered here as the policy objective – the policy instrument and the concreteness of the instrument must also be taken into consideration. In the article, a new conceptualisation of policy signals is developed, which integrates policy objectives, policy instruments and how concrete these are. Drawing on issue competition research, a set of expectations is advanced about the importance of actors’ control over outcomes for positional concreteness. Then, policy signals are looked at in the unmediated context of Danish parties’ Facebook posts ahead of the 2019 national election. Based on all textual and audio-visual posts in the year before the election, it is found that the levels of positional concreteness are generally high. Yet – in line with expectations – positional concreteness depends on parties’ incumbency status and the policy field.

Background: Although the problem of obstetric violence (OV) is receiving increasing attention among academics and policy makers, the prevalence and associated factors of OV are still poorly understood. The fear of OV prevents women from giving birth in health facilities, which is crucial for the effectiveness of HIV prevention programs, such as the Prevention of Mother to Child Transmission (PMTCT) program.

Objective: The aim of this paper is to determine the prevalence of OV, the comparative burden and associated predictors between HIV positive and negative women in Ghana.

Methods: The present study is a facility-based cross-sectional study enrolling 2,142 women, of which 310 were HIV positive and 1,832 HIV negative with a birth history of 0-24 months. The women were enrolled consecutively using a two stage sampling technique from eight hospitals with antiretroviral clinics across two regions in Ghana. The primary outcome variable was the experience of OV and its various forms. Descriptive data is presented in tables and reported in frequencies. The inferential analysis has been performed by estimating the Adjusted Odds Ratios (AOR) using multivariate logistic regression.

Results: Prevalence of OV was slightly lower among HIV positive women (61.0%) compared to HIV negative women (65.1%), though this was not statistically significant (χ2=1.99; p=0.158). The most common sub-category of OV experienced by all women was non-confidential care (35.2%). HIV positive women experienced more abandoned care (32.6%) with non-consented care being the least prevalent form of OV. Experience of discrimination was higher among HIV positive women (13.5%) than HIV negative women (10.8%). The multivariate regression analysis of the predictors of OV suggests that HIV positive women are not more likely to experience OV. Instead, we find evidence that HIV positive women are less likely to be subjected to physical violence (AOR=0.512; CI: 0.369-0.710), non-consented care (AOR=0.457; CI: 0.244-0.859) and non-dignified care (AOR= 0.688; CI: 0.513-0.923).

Conclusions: The study shows high rates of OV among all women. However, we found no evidence that HIV positive women were at higher risk to experience OV than HIV negative women. Evidence based interventions are required to address OV due to its threat to facility-based childbirth and the PMTCT cascade of care.

Vastly increased transnational business activity in recent decades has been accompanied by controversy over how to cope with its social and environmental impacts. The most prominent policy response thus far consists of international guidelines. We investigate to what extent and why citizens in a high-income country are willing to restrain companies to improve environmental and social conditions in other countries. Exploiting a real-world referendum in Switzerland, we use choice and vignette experiments with a representative sample of voters ( N = 3,010) to study public demand for such regulation. Our results show that citizens prefer strict and unilateral rules (with a substantial variation of preferences by general social and environmental concern) while correctly assessing their consequences. Moreover, exposure to international norms increases demand for regulation. These findings highlight that democratic accountability can be a mechanism that motivates states to contribute to collective goods even if not in their economic interest and that awareness of relevant international norms among citizens can enhance this mechanism.

dc.title:

dc.contributor.author: Niederkrotenthaler, Thomas; Tran, Ulrich S; Baginski, Hubert; Sinyor, Mark; Strauss, Markus J; Sumner, Steven A; Voracek, Martin; Till, Benedikt; Murphy, Sean

Goodness of fit tests for two probabilistic multigraph models are presented. The first model is random stub matching given fixed degrees (RSM) so that edge assignments to vertex pair sites are dependent, and the second is independent edge assignments (IEA) according to a common probability distribution. Tests are performed using goodness of fit measures between the edge multiplicity sequence of an observed multigraph, and the expected one according to a simple or composite hypothesis. Test statistics of Pearson type and of likelihood ratio type are used, and the expected values of the Pearson statistic under the different models are derived. Test performances based on simulations indicate that even for small number of edges, the null distributions of both statistics are well approximated by their asymptotic χ2-distribution. The non-null distributions of the test statistics can be well approximated by proposed adjusted χ2-distributions used for power approximations. The influence of RSM on both test statistics is substantial for small number of edges and implies a shift of their distributions towards smaller values compared to what holds true for the null distributions under IEA. Two applications on social networks are included to illustrate how the tests can guide in the analysis of social structure.

To what extent do ministries dominate a particular policy domain? The policy dictator model and manyprinciple-agent models of governmental control that followed suit assume that governments create ministries withclear and exclusive policy responsibilities. We test this assertion using data from parliamentary bills from Denmark,Germany, and the Netherlands. For each bill, we observe its substantial policy content and the responsible ministry.The data show that bills on similar issues regularly are drafted by different ministries in parliamentary democracies.About 40 per cent of policy issues cannot be ascribed to one dominant ministry. The regularities elucidate thatministerial division of labour within governments is considerably more complex than commonly assumed. Thevariegated level of ministerial dominance across policy domains calls for a new research agenda on how governmentsassign responsibility for legislative action in parliamentary democracies.

dc.title:

dc.contributor.author: Schupp, Jürgen

Scandals can cause serious damage to political parties’ brand name and reputation, which may taint all members of the party—even those not implicated in the scandal. In this article, we therefore explore how (uninvolved) politicians are likely to react to the eruption of such events. Building on a survey among UK local councilors (N = 2133), we first document the prevalence of distinct response strategies (such as distancing oneself from the scandal-hit party or redirecting attention to similar events in other parties). Then, building on a between-subject survey-experimental design, we assess the moderating roles of partisanship and scandal type. We show that a scandal in one’s own party reduces the probability of distancing oneself from the scandal-hit party (particularly among men). We also find that scandal type matters: pointing out similar scandals in other parties is less likely for sex scandals compared to financial scandals (particularly among women).

Does neoliberalism lie behind the increased use of social policy to control and incentivize labour market behaviour? We argue that this assumed connection is theoretically weak and empirically inaccurate, and we point to an alternative explanation centred on government paternalism. Using a new comparative dataset on workfare reforms, we first describe how the overall balance of punitive and enabling demands placed on the unemployed has changed across 16 countries between 1980 and 2015. We observe a growing number of workfare reforms, modestly tilted towards the punitive side—but without a broad shift towards punitive workfare. We then assess the drivers of policy intervention, finding that government paternalism, rather than neoliberalism, helps us to understand which governments enact enabling and punitive measures. In line with our broader argument, we suggest that this reflects the moral (rather than economic) foundations of social policy.

dc.title:

This article presents a progress report from the last two years of the Teaching Digital Thinking (TDT) project. This project aims to implement new concepts, didactic methods, and teaching formats for sustainable digital transformation in Austrian Universities’ curricula by introducing new digital competencies. By equipping students and teachers with 21st-century digital competencies, partner universities can contribute to solving global challenges and organizing pilot projects. In line with the overall project aims, this article presents the ongoing digital transformation activities, courses, and research in the project, which have been carried out by the five partner universities since 2020, and briefly discusses the results. This article presents a summary of the research and educational activities carried out within two parts: complementary research and pilot projects.

This article presents the first longitudinal analysis of social and geographic mobility into Britain’s higher managerial and professional occupations. Using linked census records from the Office for National Statistics Longitudinal Study, we find that those from advantaged social origins are substantially more likely to make long-distance residential moves, implying that geographic mobility is a correlate of advantaged social origins rather than a determinant of an advantaged adult class position. Among higher managers and professionals, those with advantaged backgrounds lived in more affluent areas as children than those from disadvantaged backgrounds. This ‘area gap’ persists during adulthood: when the upwardly mobile move, they are unable to close the gap to their peers with privileged backgrounds in terms of the affluence of the areas they live in: they face a moving target. Geographic advantage, and disadvantage, thus lingers with individuals, even if they move.

Could imperial rule affect state institutions at the national, regional, and local level differently? No systematic theory to answer this question exists, which is surprising given the importance that is attributed to foreign rule for political-administrative organization around the world. The effectiveness of imperial rule may differ along the administrative hierarchy because empires are often subject to financial constraints, limits on organizational capabilities, and informational asymmetries. Therefore, a commonly used approach—aggregation at the national level—may yield erroneous findings about colonial legacies by ignoring vital nuances. To address this gap, I develop a novel theory of imperial pervasiveness and test it through a number of statistical analyses. Leveraging an original dataset of citizen perceptions of state institutions in Romania, this study reveals vastly different long-term effects of historical Habsburg rule at the regional and local levels. The results indicate that we need to rethink the study of colonial origins.