Aktuelle Publikationen

Auf dieser Seite finden Sie die chronologisch geordneten Veröffentlichungen unserer Wissenschaftler*innen aus den vergangenen Jahren.

Aktuelle Publikationen (Politik- und Verwaltungswissenschaft)

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  •   31.07.25  
    (2023): Conceptualizing and explaining flexibility in administrative crisis management : a cross-district analysis in Germany Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory. Oxford University Press (OUP). 2023, 33(3), pp. 485-497. ISSN 1053-1858. eISSN 1477-9803. Available under: doi: 10.1093/jopart/muac038

    Conceptualizing and explaining flexibility in administrative crisis management : a cross-district analysis in Germany

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    Flexibility in administrative crisis management is a frequently reported determinant for a successful crisis response. But there is little agreement about how to conceptualize, measure and explain flexibility. We use a three-dimensional measure of administrative flexibility, capturing employees’ decision leeway, staff mobility, and organizational innovation in a crisis response. We then develop and test an explanation of variation in flexibility, focusing on the refugee crisis of 2015/16 in Germany and analyzing survey and socio-economic data from 235 districts using linear regression analysis. The main finding is that differences in flexibility cannot be explained by the scope of the crisis in a district, but by organizational factors: Agencies with politically unconstrained leadership, with higher financial resources and more crisis-related experience, respond more flexible. These findings contribute to theorizing and explaining administrative flexibility in and beyond crisis management and have practical implications for crisis learning and preparation.

  • Biased Coercion : The Imposition, Management, and Termination of US Sanctions

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    Sanctions have evolved into a popular foreign policy tool. Especially, the United States has heavily relied on such coercive measures to address international challenges of peace and security. To date, it has imposed sanctions more frequently than any other country or international institution. Yet, its sanctions decisions show two inconsistencies: While the US is quick to sanction some foreign countries for their transgressions, it is hesitant to punish others. Similarly, some countries remain under US sanctions for decades, while for others punishment is only brief. This raises the following questions: Are US sanctions decisions biased? And, if so, what are the sources of that bias?


    This dissertation is dedicated to answering this research puzzle. It introduces a comprehensive framework for studying possible domestic and international sources of bias in sanctions decision-making (Chapter 2). It then applies this framework to the empirical study of the three different stages of the sanctions process using the US as its case, starting with the imposition (Chapter 3), over the management (Chapter 4), through the termination of these coercive measures (Chapter 5). For each stage, it focuses on the level of analysis—domestic or international—that is currently underrepresented in the literature.


    Specifically, Chapter 3 presents evidence that sanctions can be imposed by leaders as part of a diversionary strategy to generate domestic gains. It makes the case that legislative constraints on presidential responses to domestic economic problems push presidents to the sanctions domain to demonstrate competence, leadership skills, and to secure public approval. Using a novel dataset on US sanctions from 1989 to 2015, it shows that US presidents are more likely to use sanctions when unemployment levels are high and the president’s party power in Congress is weak. More importantly, it sheds light on leaders’ decision-making: it seems that when reverting to sanctions for domestic gains, presidents opt for measures that inflict little to no harm on the US economy itself.


    The second empirical chapter (Chapter 4) moves to the next stage of the process, the management of sanctions, and shifts attention to international sources of bias. Together with Julia Grauvogel, I focus on a subset of cases—the Trafficking in Persons (TIP) sanctions regime—that are enshrined in legislation by Congress yet enforced and monitored by the executive. Hereby we study US executive decisions related to the monitoring and enforcement of these coercive measures. We use original data on all TIP-related executive decisions from 2003 to 2008 and show that trade partners and key political allies are both subjected to softer assessments and are more likely to have the imposed sanctions waived. The results indicate that the process is driven by the executive’s attempts to minimize the economic and political costs of sanctions for the US itself.


    Finally, in Chapter 5, I turn to the last stage of the sanctions process: the termination of these coercive measures. I draw on work emphasizing the audience and reputational costs related to sanctions termination and posit that domestic constraints affect leaders’ decision-making on the lifting of these measures. Using novel data on all US sanctions imposed between 1990 and 2018, I provide evidence that, first, presidents with stronger party power in Congress are more likely to end sanctions. The effect is more pronounced for termination decisions despite the target’s resistance to US demands. Second, higher approval ratings similarly increase the likelihood of sanctions termination by US capitulation. Lastly, sanctions that include mechanisms of congressional oversight not only last longer but are less likely to be lifted by the president prior to goal attainment. The results indicate that leaders rely on their political capital vis-à-vis the public and Congress to take potentially costly termination decisions, especially when they anticipate pushback from the latter.


    Taken altogether, this dissertation presents a nuanced framework for studying sanctions and improves our understanding of why and how these measures are used by state leaders. It also sheds light on the latter stages of the sanctions process—their management and termination—that have hitherto attracted insufficient scholarly attention as compared to for the imposition and effectiveness of these measures. More precisely, this dissertation makes theoretical, conceptual, and empirical contributions to the scholarship. Theoretically, it introduces a comprehensive framework that accounts for both domestic and international sources of bias at the different stages of the sanctions process. Conceptually, it accounts for the varying dynamics and interests among domestic actors in the sender country that affect the sanctions process. Empirically, it uses novel data, employs statistical tests, and utilizes interview material to provide evidence that sanctions are biased from cradle to grave.


    The findings help change the way we think about sanctions in two key ways. First, they underline that to fully understand the use and effectiveness of these measures, one should look at the entire sanctions process and account for domestic and international circumstances. Second, they remind us of the diversity of sanctions—as an instrument that has both symbolic and punitive attributes and is not tied to specific policy goals. This explains why leaders continue to use these measures despite their mixed record of success. Chapter 6 concludes by discussing the implications of this dissertation for sanctions in the twenty-first century: Evidence of bias can undermine the effectiveness hereof, as it negatively impacts both the credibility of sanctions as an instrument of foreign policy and of the US in international bargaining. Finally, the results carry important policy implications on sanctions exit strategies.

  • Interest Groups, their Structure, and Access : A Comparative Analysis of Interest Intermediation in Central and Eastern Europe

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    The present dissertation thesis contributes to the advancement of research on interest intermediation structures in Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries. The underlying assumption is that civil society is an important part of any democratic polity (Dahl, 1961). Given recent illiberal developments, especially in young democracies in CEE, interest group systems need to be monitored continuously as they are important for our understanding of the functioning of democracy (Beyers, Eising, & Maloney, 2008). Therefore, the thesis seeks to answer the research question How do interest groups in CEE find their way into the political process? using a sample of four CEE countries, namely, Czechia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovenia. In these countries, the policy areas of energy, health, and higher education are analysed in order to test the argument that, despite different institutional structures, the professionalisation of interest groups is essential for their success.


    The timeframe of the dataset, and therefore the study, is 2019 to 2020, while the most similar case design guided the case selection process. The cases are similar in that they each represent post-communist democracies with a similar economic development that are members of the EU. They differ in their institutional context, as Czechia and Slovenia can be considered the most democratic, while Hungary and Poland are the least democratic of the sample (Coppedge et al., 2022). The aim of the thesis is to generalise the results for the CEE region. The analysis was carried out using standardised methods on a sample of more than 400 active interest groups in the region. Within the IntOrgCEE research project, the survey data were newly collected. Among other things, the dataset includes variables on the perception of the interest intermediation system by interest groups and on the professionalisation of interest group activity.


    The cumulative dissertation consists of three successive papers. The first paper analyses institutions and corporatist arrangements based on the sample of energy policy actors, with the main finding that energy corporatism, i.e. the incorporation of energy interest groups, is most pronounced in Slovenia, followed by Czechia, Poland and Hungary. The second paper builds on these findings and analyses the access of interest groups. The paper finds that the institutional context does not play as important a role as the professionalisation of interest groups. In other words, access in CEE is determined more by professionalisation than by the institutional context. The third paper elaborates on factors affecting professionalisation. Apart from EU accession, professionalisation could be a factor promoting democratisation. The main finding is that organisational resources, i.e. national funding, common strategies and international networking, explain the level of professionalisation. Thus, the main theoretical contribution of the thesis is the further development of organisational theory, i.e. the professionalisation of interest groups. Empirically, the thesis contributes with findings from an understudied region using a novel dataset.

  • Strategylessness by Design : The Failure of German Anti-Money Laundering in the Combat against Organized Crime

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    dc.contributor.author: Eßmeyer, Katharina Maria

  • Lehnert, Detlef (Hrsg.) (2023): Nordeuropäische Demokratisierungspfade : Zwischen nationaler Abgrenzung und internationaler Verbundenheit LEHNERT, Detlef, ed.. Transnationale Demokratisierung in Europa : von den Anfängen bis in die Gegenwart. Berlin: Metropol, 2023, pp. 229-263. Historische Demokratieforschung. 23. ISBN 978-3-86331-689-1

    Nordeuropäische Demokratisierungspfade : Zwischen nationaler Abgrenzung und internationaler Verbundenheit

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    dc.title:


    dc.contributor.author: Jochem, Sven

  • Jungblut, Jens; Maltais, Martin; Ness, Erik C. (Hrsg.) (2023): The Bologna Process as a Multidimensional Architecture of Policy Diffusion in Western Europe JUNGBLUT, Jens, ed., Martin MALTAIS, ed., Erik C. NESS, ed. and others. Comparative Higher Education Politics : Policymaking in North America and Western Europe. 1st edition. Cham: Springer, 2023, pp. 427-453. Higher Education Dynamics (HEDY). 60. ISBN 978-3-031-25866-4. Available under: doi: 10.1007/978-3-031-25867-1_18

    The Bologna Process as a Multidimensional Architecture of Policy Diffusion in Western Europe

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    We look at the Bologna Process as a process of policy diffusion and regional convergence across Western Europe. We focus in particular on the issue of quality assurance in HE because it not only affects the core competence of national decision-making and is a hard case for the impact of soft governance through policy diffusion, but also remains under-researched in the literature. The Bologna Process created a multidimensional architecture of policy diffusion, as its contents need to be translated into subnational levels (e.g. in federal systems) and into individual institutions.



    First, we review the policy diffusion literature and point out current trends, before defining and exploring other concepts closely linked to diffusion research, which may also help to understand the Bologna Process. We then scope the literature on the Bologna Process and the EHEA and show how both bodies of literature (policy diffusion and Bologna Process research) increasingly relate to each other. Second, we explore how transnational communication can serve as a theoretical framework for examining cross-national vertical as well as horizontal HE policy diffusion in the absence of legally binding agreements. In the empirical section, we outline some basic features of the Bologna Process as a process of policy diffusion before focusing on quality assurance and its diffusion across different countries. To illustrate our arguments, we explore the cases of Germany, France, and Italy, three of the four founding countries of the Bologna Process if counting the 1998 Sorbonne declaration as a pre-condition for the ensuing Bologna Process and the EHEA. In view of the European Standards and Guidelines for Quality Assurance, which have further evolved over the past 15 years, we then show how the multidimensional architecture of HE systems across Europe has led to the transnational diffusion of new quality assurance policies into entirely different historical contexts.



    Our analysis shows that the foundations for quality assurance were set in the 1990s in all three countries, driven largely by domestic problem pressure and a shift towards New Public Management. The Bologna Process then provided the thrust for the further institutionalization and systematization of all three systems. It appears that international policy promotion initially served as the main diffusion mechanism, as the objectives of all systems were largely based on Bologna guidelines. Yet critical differences still exist in the institutional configurations of the systems, which can be explained by both pre-existing institutional peculiarities as well as “differential policy emulation” in the more recent phase. Specifically, we show that diffusion of a primarily bilateral nature is taking place between countries, trigging the transfer of policies and institutions which are not necessarily of Anglo-American inspiration.

  • (2023): Under what conditions does bureaucracy matter in the making of global public policies? Governance. Wiley. 2023, 36(4), pp. 1313-1333. ISSN 0952-1895. eISSN 1468-0491. Available under: doi: 10.1111/gove.12741

    Under what conditions does bureaucracy matter in the making of global public policies?

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    This study investigates how configurations of bureaucratic autonomy, policy complexity and political contestation allow international public administrations (IPAs) to influence policymaking within international organizations. A fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis of 17 policy decisions in four organizations (FAO, WHO, ILO, UNESCO) shows that all IPAs studied can be influential in favorable contexts. When policies are both contested and complex, even IPAs lacking autonomy can influence policy. If either complexity or contestation is absent, however, it is the variant of autonomy of will that helps the IPA exploit procedural strategies of influence. Low autonomy of will, among other factors, explains why IPAs cannot exert influence. Conversely, the variant of autonomy of action appears largely irrelevant. The study provides new insights into the role of bureaucracy beyond the state, exemplifying how research of bureaucratic influence can yield more systematic results in various empirical settings.

  • (2023): Administrative delegation revisited : Experimental evidence on the behavioural consequences of public service motivation and risk aversion International Review of Administrative Sciences. Sage. 2023, 89(3), pp. 613-631. ISSN 0020-8523. eISSN 1461-7226. Available under: doi: 10.1177/00208523211073259

    Administrative delegation revisited : Experimental evidence on the behavioural consequences of public service motivation and risk aversion

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    Getting a grip on issues of administrative delegation is key to the performance of public organizations. The oversight game models delegation as a conflict of interest between an inspector and an inspectee to act in the interests of the former. This study tests alternative solutions to overcome ‘shirking’ in the oversight game. Specifically, we test the effect of external incentives, as implied by the game-theoretical solution, against the role of intrinsic factors, namely, public service motivation and job-related risk aversion. Evidence from a laboratory (N = 208) and survey experiment (N = 794) show that both the game-theoretical approach, which inspired new public management, and public service motivation, as its antithesis, fail to explain subjects’ behaviour. Instead, job-related risk aversion makes oversight more and ‘shirking’ less likely. This finding hints towards a more differentiated view of public employees’ risk attitudes to improve administrative delegation.

  • (2023): The fiscal sovereignty of the European Union after the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine Journal of European Integration. Taylor & Francis. 2023, 45(4), pp. 703-709. ISSN 0703-6337. eISSN 1477-2280. Available under: doi: 10.1080/07036337.2023.2210967

    The fiscal sovereignty of the European Union after the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine

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    NextGenerationEU, the recovery programme adopted during the COVID-19 pandemic, did not provide the EU with fiscal sovereignty. Fiscal sovereignty remains under the control of the member states which are, however, constrained by the Stability and Growth Pact. Comparative federalism shows that central fiscal sovereignty requires granting the power to tax to the centre but without impairing the fiscal sovereignty of the units. The co-existence of two distinct, yet connected, fiscal sovereignties (EU and member states) would mean departing from the regulatory model of fiscal integration created with the Maastricht Treaty, and would thus require treaty change. Future research should perform a more thorough comparison between the EU and fiscally centralized and decentralized federations. Qualitative comparative analysis could complement process tracing and systematic content analysis to identify combinations of conditions that make the co-existence of fiscal sovereignties possible in consolidated federal polities – and still impossible in the EU.

  • (2023): Ready, set, crisis : transitioning to crisis mode in local public administration Public Management Review. Taylor & Francis. ISSN 1471-9037. eISSN 1471-9045. Available under: doi: 10.1080/14719037.2023.2242851

    Ready, set, crisis : transitioning to crisis mode in local public administration

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    Local public administrations are typically the first responders during disruptive crisis events. Building on literature on fast-response organizations, this study theorizes on their ability to transition effectively from routine bureaucracy to crisis mode. Empirically, we study early responses to COVID-19 in Germany with agency-level survey data. The findings suggest that an effective switch between practices cannot be explained by crisis severity alone. Instead, organizational, technical, and individual preparedness of local administrations matter. These results provide insights into the conditions that enable administrations to respond effectively to crisis events, offering a comprehensive understanding of crisis management capabilities at the local level.

  • (2023): European Union versus core state powers : the customisation of EU fiscal policy Journal of European Public Policy. Routledge. ISSN 1350-1763. eISSN 1466-4429. Available under: doi: 10.1080/13501763.2023.2217234

    European Union versus core state powers : the customisation of EU fiscal policy

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    Member states use implementation to preserve core state powers, such as fiscal policy, vis-à-vis the European Union (EU), by choosing whether to adopt stricter or looser rules than the EU requires. However, these choices and their reasons when the EU extends its fiscal competences are understudied. We theorise how the interplay of uploading and downloading factors might lead member states to customise EU fiscal policy according to their preferences, if their capacity allows it. Using fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis, we study the customisation of six rules of the Fiscal Compact in France, Germany and Italy in 2012 (N = 18). Member states exercised ‘opposition through the back door’ when uploading outcomes did not reflect their preferences and did not provide a credible deterrent. More often, however, member states as ‘customisers’ acted as especially ambitious problem-solvers or signalled compliance, when uploading outcomes reflected their preferences or provided a credible enforcement threat.

  • (2023): Foxes and Hedgehogs in Legislatures : Why Do Some MPs Become Policy Specialists and Others Generalists? Legislative Studies Quarterly. Wiley. 2023, 48(4), pp. 869-896. ISSN 0362-9805. eISSN 1939-9162. Available under: doi: 10.1111/lsq.12412

    Foxes and Hedgehogs in Legislatures : Why Do Some MPs Become Policy Specialists and Others Generalists?

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    Which legislators become specialized in particular policy areas (hedgehogs), and which develop into policy generalists (foxes)? Instead of focusing on the individual characteristics of MPs, we build on institutionalist literature and argue that an MP's specialization arises from an interaction between MP and parliamentary leadership. These interactions generate demand for policy generalists depending on a leadership position, committee membership, government status, and parliamentary group size. Policy specialization is measured by how many different topics a legislator addresses in Parliament. Using data from Germany from 1998 to 2013, topic-coded parliamentary questions are combined with MPs' personal and partisan data. Descriptively, foxes are common in Germany and dominate in Parliament. The subsequent estimation indicates that policy specialists are related to government status and parliamentary group size.

  • Disentangling endogenous dynamics in turnout and vote choice

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    dc.title:


    dc.contributor.author: Käppner, Konstantin

  • (2023): Graphical Causal Models for Survey Inference Sociological Methods & Research. Sage. ISSN 0049-1241. eISSN 1552-8294. Available under: doi: 10.1177/00491241231176851

    Graphical Causal Models for Survey Inference

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    Directed acyclic graphs (DAGs) are now a popular tool to inform causal inferences. We discuss how DAGs can also be used to encode theoretical assumptions about nonprobability samples and survey nonresponse and to determine whether population quantities including conditional distributions and regressions can be identified. We describe sources of bias and assumptions for eliminating it in various selection scenarios. We then introduce and analyze graphical representations of multiple selection stages in the data collection process, and highlight the strong assumptions implicit in using only design weights. Furthermore, we show that the common practice of selecting adjustment variables based on correlations with sample selection and outcome variables of interest is ill-justified and that nonresponse weighting when the interest is in causal inference may come at severe costs. Finally, we identify further areas for survey methodology research that can benefit from advances in causal graph theory.

  • Senn, Martin; Eder, Franz; Kornprobst, Markus (Hrsg.) (2023): Umwelt- und Klimapolitik SENN, Martin, ed., Franz EDER, ed., Markus KORNPROBST, ed.. Handbuch Außenpolitik Österreichs. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien, 2023, pp. 345-363. ISBN 978-3-658-37273-6. Available under: doi: 10.1007/978-3-658-37274-3_17

    Umwelt- und Klimapolitik

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    Dieser Beitrag geht der Frage nach, wie sich das außenpolitische Engagement Österreichs im Bereich der Umwelt- und Klimapolitik seit 1945 entwickelt hat. Er zeigt, dass Österreich seit 1970 vermehrt multilateralen Umweltübereinkommen beigetreten ist. Auch der Beitritt zur Europäischen Union (EU) prägte sein Verhalten im Bereich des internationalen Umwelt- und Klimaschutzes maßgeblich. Verhandelt Österreich im EU-Kontext Umweltübereinkommen, zählt es zu den ambitionierten Staaten. Konzentriert man sich jedoch auf die bloße Anzahl von Umweltverträgen, die Österreich ratifiziert hat, zeigt sich ein eher mittelmäßiges Abschneiden im Vergleich zu anderen europäischen Staaten.

  • Eingetrübte Aussichten : Das Konstanzer Ungleichheitsbarometer belegt die Wahrnehmung zunehmender Ungleichheit

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    Die Daten der neuen Erhebungswelle des Konstanzer Ungleichheitsbarometers zeigen, dass die Menschen in Deutschland eine weithin zunehmende Ungleichheit von Einkommen und Vermögen wahrnehmen – nicht zuletzt weil die Befragten kaum unterscheiden zwischen der Einkommensungleicheit und der in Realität noch größeren Vermögensungleichheit. Gleichzeitig wird das Ausmaß der Ungleichheit weiterhin in gewisser Hinsicht unterschätzt. Die Zukunftsaussichten


    für die jüngere Generation beurteilen viele eher negativ, vor allen Dingen die Anhängerschaft der AfD. Weniger pessimistisch sind Anhänger*innen von CDU/CSU und FDP.

  • (2023): Mapping public support for the varieties of differentiated integration European Union Politics. Sage. 2023, 24(1), pp. 164-183. ISSN 1465-1165. eISSN 1741-2757. Available under: doi: 10.1177/14651165221127633

    Mapping public support for the varieties of differentiated integration

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    This article maps and investigates public support for different types of differentiated integration (DI) in the European Union. We examine citizens’ preferences for DI using novel survey data from eight EU member states. The data reveals substantive differences in support for different types of DI. Factor analyses reveal two dimensions that seem to structure citizens’ evaluations of DI. The first dimension relates to the effect of DI on the European integration project, the second concerns the safeguarding of national autonomy. Citizens’ attitudes on this second dimension vary substantively across countries. General EU support is the most important correlate of DI support, correlating positively with the first and negatively with the second dimension. Our results underline that while citizens generally care about the fairness of DI, balancing out their different concerns can be a challenging political task.

  • (2023): Inaccurate Politicians : Elected Representatives’ Estimations of Public Opinion in Four Countries The Journal of Politics. University of Chicago Press. 2023, 85(1), pp. 209-222. ISSN 0022-3816. eISSN 1468-2508. Available under: doi: 10.1086/722042

    Inaccurate Politicians : Elected Representatives’ Estimations of Public Opinion in Four Countries

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    Knowledge of what voters prefer is central to several theories of democratic representation and accountability. Despite this, we know little in a comparative sense of how well politicians know citizens’ policy preferences. We present results from a study of 866 politicians in four countries. Politicians were asked to estimate the percentage of public support for various policy proposals. Comparing more than 10,000 estimations with actual levels of public support, we conclude that politicians are quite inaccurate estimators of people’s preferences. They make large errors and even regularly misperceive what a majority of the voters wants. Politicians are hardly better at estimating public preferences than ordinary citizens. They misperceive not only the preferences of the general public but also the preferences of their own partisan electorate. Politicians are not the experts of public opinion we expect them to be.

  • Gloomy prospects : The Konstanz Inequality Barometer shows that inequality is perceived to have increased

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    Data from the new wave of the Konstanz Inequality Barometer shows that people in Germany perceive a widespread increase of inequality in income and wealth and barely distinguish between income and wealth inequality. This is despite the fact that wealth inequality is significantly larger than income inequality. At the same time, the actual level of inequality is still underestimated in some respects. Concerning the prospects of the younger generation, many people, especially supporters of the right-wing populist AfD, are rather negative. Less pessimism is found among supporters of the center-right parties, CDU/CSU and FDP.

  • (2023): Esoteric Beliefs and Opposition to Corona Restrictions in Germany Politische Vierteljahresschrift. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften ; Springer. 2023, 64, pp. 603-620. ISSN 0720-7182. eISSN 1862-2860. Available under: doi: 10.1007/s11615-023-00468-0

    Esoteric Beliefs and Opposition to Corona Restrictions

    in Germany

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    Governmental measures against the spread of the Corona virus have been met with varying levels of opposition in many countries worldwide. Existing research has claimed that some of this opposition is linked to esoteric and anthroposophical beliefs. This research note tests this in an observational study using election results from the 2021 parliamentary election in Germany and new data on the distribution of natural healers, homeopathic doctors and Steiner schools. Results show that counter to common expectations, there is no evidence that esoteric beliefs systematically lead to increased support for the established right-wing AFD. Rather, some indicators for esoteric beliefs – in particular, the presence of homeopathic doctors and Waldorf


    schools – are related to higher support for the new fringe party dieBasis, a single-issue party campaigning against governmental Corona measures.

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