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Thanks to the recovery fund Next Generation EU, the EU considerably increased the size of its fiscal capacity by increasing its borrowing power. Yet, the post-pandemic EU has left the key issue of how to distribute fiscal sovereignty across the EU and the member states unsolved. Departing from influential concepts in the political science literature, this article argues that we still lack a thorough analytical framework to operationalise the coexistence of two fiscal sovereignties—the fiscal sovereignty of the centre (here, the EU) and the fiscal sovereignty of the units (here, the member states). By resorting to comparative federalism, the article first operationalises fiscal sovereignty as the power to collect, administer, and spend resources. A level of government (the centre or the units) is fiscally sovereign if it can decide on its revenues, the administration of its resources, and its expenditures alone or together with the other level of government (what I call “fiscal self- or co-determination”). The coexistence of fiscal sovereignties becomes impossible if one level systematically and unilaterally encroaches upon the other (“fiscal out-determination”), as is still the case with the post-pandemic EU. On the contrary, in a union of states by aggregation like the EU—namely, Switzerland—the centre (Confederation) has its own fiscal powers, while the units (cantons) retain most of their fiscal sovereignty: The coexistence of fiscal sovereignties is thus possible. The article concludes by outlining which “fiscal features” of the Swiss system could not work in the EU and which could instead potentially work.

This thematic issue examines two main research questions: What are the features, the determinants, and the implications of fiscal integration in a system of multilevel governance like the EU? And, what can the post-pandemic EU learn from established federations when it comes to fiscal integration? We attempt to conceptualize the patterns of EU fiscal integration. In so doing, we identify eight instruments of fiscal integration in a federal or multilevel polity, equally divided between fiscal capacity and fiscal regulation, depending on the side of the budget and the mode of integration (autonomous or dependent). For instance, as part of the fiscal capacity instrument of integration, we propose to distinguish between revenue and expenditure capacity. Revenue capacity is then further divided into tax capacity, based on EU/federal taxes, and budgetary capacity, based on non-independent sources, for instance, contributions from the member states. Expenditure capacity is divided into autonomous spending capacity, meaning direct spending by the EU, and a dependent transfer capacity, where the EU merely distributes resources (both grants and loans) to the member states.

This special issue analyses the patterns, causes and consequences of Differentiated Policy Implementation (DPI) in the European Union (EU). DPI is an umbrella term for the diversity in the presence and use of discretion during legal and practical policy implementation processes and outcomes in the EU. The emergent DPI research agenda emphasises differentiation in EU policy implementation beyond mere legal compliance, which is more widespread, and its role in the broader political and policy processes of EU multilevel governance. The contributions highlight anticipated implementation as one dimension of DPI, as well as legal and practical implementation. DPI serves as an alternative to differentiated integration (DI), accommodating heterogeneous national preferences, capacities and conditions, and feeding back into EU policy-making. The impact of DPI on the EU’s output legitimacy and effectiveness depends on scope conditions that require more scholarly attention.

Background

Although studies have demonstrated that the use of lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD) is on the rise in the United States, it remains unclear how this trend looks across the hierarchical ladder of the American workforce. This is relevant given that LSD is increasingly being touted as a means of boosting creativity and performance, with mounting anecdotal evidence that business managers in particular are turning to it for inspiration and insight.

Methods

Using pooled cross-sectional data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health (2006–2014) on 168,920 adults in the United States employed full-time (weighted = 117,270,940), this study investigates how temporal trends in past year LSD use differ among business managers and non-managers.

Results

The results suggest that the prevalence of past year LSD use increased over time at a greater rate among business managers than non-managers and that this difference cannot be accounted for by changes in business managers’ perceived risk of LSD use or general substance use relative to non-managers.

Conclusions

The study’s findings indicate that temporal trends in past year LSD use depend on employees’ hierarchical rank in their organization and suggest that business managers, regardless of gender, are becomingly increasingly interested in the potential competitive advantages that LSD may offer.

Abstract Public service ecosystems are used to understand how multiple actors co‐produce public services and create public value. Especially interactions between public service providers and service users are essential. However, systematic examinations of these interactions and what roles the different actors play are rare. This study closes this gap by conducting a systematic literature review with three main findings. First, public service providers play an important role: they facilitate co‐production by micromanaging or facilitating collaboration, empowering service users, and translating the results of the process back into the organization. Second, service users contribute to co‐production by providing resources. Third, a new category of actors is proposed: the co‐production intermediary. Intermediaries are formal organizations whose primary role is to support service providers in service delivery. This study comprehensively analyzes the different actors and power constellations between them.

Il est essentiel de bien comprendre les questions de délégation administrative pour assurer la performance des organisations publiques. Le jeu du contrôle modélise la délégation comme un conflit d’intérêts entre un inspecteur et une personne contrôlée pour agir dans l’intérêt du premier. La présente étude teste des solutions alternatives pour surmonter le fait d’être « tire-au-flanc » présente dans le jeu du contrôle. Plus précisément, nous testons l’effet des incitants externes, tel qu’il apparaît sous l’effet de la solution de la théorie des jeux, par rapport au rôle des facteurs intrinsèques, à savoir la motivation de service public et l’aversion au risque lié à l’emploi. Les résultats d’une expérience en laboratoire ( N = 208) et d’une enquête ( N = 794) montrent que ni l’approche théorique des jeux, qui a inspiré le nouveau management public, ni la motivation de service public, qui en est l’antithèse, ne parviennent à expliquer le comportement des sujets. Au contraire, l’aversion au risque lié à l’emploi renforce le potentiel de contrôle et rend moins probable la possibilité d’être « tire-au-flanc ». Cette constatation laisse entrevoir une vision plus différenciée des attitudes des fonctionnaires en matière de risques en vue d’améliorer la délégation administrative. Remarques à l’intention des praticiens La promesse du nouveau management public selon laquelle les problèmes de contrôle de la délégation administrative disparaissent avec la mise en place d’incitants extrinsèques appropriés est trop simpliste. D’autre part, la motivation de service public, qui a commencé comme une antithèse du bureaucrate intéressé, ne résout pas non plus le problème de « tire-au-flanc » dans la délégation administrative. Au contraire, l’aversion au risque lié à l’emploi semble améliorer la délégation administrative, ce qui constitue un contrepoint remarquable à l’opinion populaire en matière de gestion publique selon laquelle l’aversion au risque est problématique pour les performances des organisations publiques. Plutôt que d’éviter de sélectionner des fonctionnaires averses au risque de manière générale, il conviendrait d’accorder plus d’attention aux domaines de la prise de décision administrative dans lesquels ces traits de caractère peuvent être bénéfiques.

The Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) is not just the oldest but also the most institutionalised and powerful international parliamentary assembly. As transnational parliamentary body with the Russian Federation and Ukraine among its members, it showcases a laboratory for transnational parliamentary voting behaviour in the context of international geopolitical conflicts. We theorise how geopolitical aggression between member states change the voting pattern in the assembly. Whereas we generally assume a partisan cleavage as the main sorting mechanism, we theorise that this dimension will diminish under geopolitical threat. To test our claims, we explore voting patterns in the PACE around the Russian annexation of Crimea 2014. Using all contested votes from 2012 to 2016, we find that voting positions are structured around national interests in times of geopolitical tensions whereas a left-right cleavage emerges once the aggressor (i.e. Russia) was absent from the PACE.

Scholars and policymakers widely view identity as a key driver of African citizens’ political engagement. In doing so, however, they have emphasized ethnicity and largely sidelined other identities, including gender, local origin, shared residency, and partisanship. In this paper, we explore which identities drive political engagement and why they do so. We employ an original survey experiment that includes various identities and other incentives that may drive citizens’ participation around Zambia’s 2021 national elections. We find that partisanship most influences individuals’ stated willingness to campaign for a candidate or meet with an MP, while ethnicity and social incentives play less significant roles. Finally, we explore the mechanisms underpinning these results and find that citizens anticipate sanctions if they fail to support a co-partisan but not a co-ethnic candidate. These findings have important implications for understanding political engagement and democratic development throughout the region.

Recent studies show that, when salience is high, ‘heterogeneous lobbying coalitions’ uniting business and civil society groups are more successful in achieving their lobbying objectives than homogeneous coalitions. It is therefore surprising that a coalition of tech firms and civil society activists failed to prevent the adoption of the EU’s contested 2019 Copyright Directive, which constitutes a significant shift in the Union’s approach to online content regulation. This article argues that proponents of the policy change successfully undermined the lobbying coalition by invoking notions of ‘digital sovereignty’ and by delegitimizing activists as Silicon Valley’s ‘useful idiots’. Combining process-tracing of the lobbying processes and content analysis of European Parliament debates, the article shows how legislators employed delegitimation and sovereignty claims to justify their non-responsiveness to public protests. The article contributes to the interest group literature and debates on ‘digital sovereignty’ by demonstrating its strategic use in the policy-making process.

This year marks the 75th anniversary of what the UN itself understands to be its first peacekeeping operation. It is therefore an appropriate time to reflect on the track record of UN peacekeeping in its efforts to try to maintain and realize

peace and security. Moreover, this milestone invites us to ponder what lies ahead in the realm of peacekeeping. For this reason, this forum article brings together both academics and UN officials to assess the achievements and

challenges of UN peacekeeping over the past 75 years. Through a dialogue among peacekeeping scholars and practitioners, we hope to identify current trends and developments in UN peacekeeping, as well as explore priorities for

the future to improve the effectiveness of peacekeeping operations in terms of achieving their mandate objectives, such as maintaining peace, protecting civilians, promoting human rights, and facilitating reconciliation. This forum

article is structured into six thematic sections, each shedding light on various aspects of UN peacekeeping: (1) foundational principles of UN peacekeeping - namely, consent, impartiality, and the (non-)use of force; (2) protection of

civilians; (3) the primacy of politics; (4) early warning; (5) cooperation with regional organizations; and (6) the changing geopolitical landscape in which UN peacekeeping operates.

International migration has been rising across the globe for decades, making the integration of immigrants into host societies a central challenge for many countries. Although the successful labor market integration of immigrants is considered a key boon to their economic independence and broader social integration, rising political polarization in many western societies with increasing far-right political support might put integration efforts at risk. Challenging core assumptions of intergroup contact theory (Pettigrew, 1998), we propose that strong community support for far-right political parties affects how immigrants are treated by their coworkers when entering a new workplace, thus undermining the potential benefits of social contact between immigrants and natives. Specifically, we propose that immigrants perceive negative social contact with their direct colleagues that increases over time when employed by a company located in a region with high far-right political support. Being confronted with a growing perception of negative contact will then take its toll on employees’ mental health, assessed by their emotional exhaustion at a later time point. We test and find support for our theoretical model in a unique dataset matching 481 trainees in Germany (tracked from day one of their traineeships over a period of 13 weeks) with data from the 2021 German federal election.

This study offers a dynamic perspective on the experiences of organizational newcomers who hold the gender token status in their occupation. We aim to analyze, first, whether the effect of newcomers’ gender on temporal changes in negative work events depends on the gender com-position of their occupation and, second, whether these temporal changes, in turn, impact per-formance and withdrawal. Integrating role congruity theory with ego depletion theory within a tokenism framework, we propose that male and female newcomers in occupations dominat-ed by their opposite gender experience an increase in negative work events over time. Draw-ing from prospect theory, we further propose that these increases diminish task mastery and enhance turnover intentions in the long run. By applying an extensive repeated-measures de-sign on 275 individuals over three months, we show that tokenism effects are not the same for women and men, contrary to theoretical expectations. Rather, male tokens do experience an increase in negative work events over time, while female tokens do not. Moreover, we find that newcomers who experienced increased negative work events over time indeed report lower task mastery and higher intentions to leave the job. In conclusion, this study illustrates that an occupation’s gender composition plays an important role in forming employees’ day-to-day experiences at work and effectiveness-related outcomes, but in a deeply gendered way. We discuss possible explanations for the counterintuitive findings and emphasize theoretical, as well as practical implications.

Despite fierce politicization in arms‐exporting democracies, we lack systematic research on mass public preferences on arms transfers. We propose that citizens either apply a deontologist (rejecting transfers categorically) or consequentialist (trading‐off economic, strategic and normative aspects) calculus of preference formation. Conducting population‐representative survey experiments () in Germany and France, two global top‐five major arms exporters, we find that 10–15 per cent of respondents follow deontologist considerations, a preference structure potentially relevant for all foreign policies involving the use of military force. Still, a majority shows differentiated preferences, giving largest weight to normative considerations, with assessments affected by moderating features (e.g., scenarios of just war). Principled rejection of arms trade and a large consequentialist weight for normative factors are more pronounced in Germany compared to France, indicating that public opinion might pose a stronger constraint for government policy in this country. Respondents' preferences match opinion polls on post‐Russian invasion Ukraine armament, indicating high external validity of our experiments.

Despite the recent and sharp rise in psychedelic research, few studies have investigated how classic psychedelic use relates to employees’ work-related outcomes. This is surprising given that the increased use, decriminalization, and legalization of classic psychedelics in the United States (U.S.) has the potential to impact both employees and their organizations. Addressing this gap, the current study explores how employees’ lifetime psilocybin use relates to the amount of overtime they work, thereby offering insight into what current trends in psilocybin use could mean for businesses. Using pooled, cross-sectional data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health (2002–2014) on 217,963 adults employed in the U.S. full-time, this study tests whether lifetime psilocybin use is associated with employees’ number of overtime hours worked in the past week. After adjusting for sociodemographics and other substance use, a significant negative association is found between employees’ lifetime psilocybin use and the amount of overtime they reported working. Specifically, the findings suggest that lifetime psilocybin use in the U.S. full-time working population is associated with an estimated 44,348,400 fewer overtime hours worked per year and may help explain recent findings linking employees’ lifetime psilocybin use to a reduction in sick leave taken.

A landmark collaboration shows that Facebook’s news feed filters partisan political news to users with the same views. But changing the feed algorithm to reduce exposure to like-minded content does not reduce political polarization.

The memorialization of mass atrocities such as war crimes and genocides facilitates the remembrance of past suffering, honors those who resisted the perpetrators, and helps prevent the distortion of historical facts. Digital technologies have transformed memorialization practices by enabling less top-down and more creative approaches to remember mass atrocities. At the same time, they may also facilitate the spread of denialism and distortion, attempt to justify past crimes and attack the dignity of victims. The emergence of generative forms of artificial intelligence (AI), which produce textual and visual content, has the potential to revolutionize the field of memorialization even further. AI can identify patterns in training data to create new narratives for representing and interpreting mass atrocities—and do so in a fraction of the time it takes for humans. The use of generative AI in this context raises numerous questions: For example, can the paucity of training data on mass atrocities distort how AI interprets some atrocity-related inquiries? How important is the ability to differentiate between human- and AI-made content concerning mass atrocities? Can AI-made content be used to promote false information concerning atrocities? This article addresses these and other questions by examining the opportunities and risks associated with using generative AIs for memorializing mass atrocities. It also discusses recommendations for AIs integration in memorialization practices to steer the use of these technologies toward a more ethical and sustainable direction.

Digital transformation has become a buzzword that is permeating multiple fields, including public administration and management. However, it is unclear what is transformational and how incremental and transformational change processes are linked. Using the PRISMA method, we conduct a systematic literature review to structure this growing body of evidence. We identified 164 studies on digitally-induced change and provide evidence for their drivers, implementation processes, and outcomes. We derive a theoretical framework that shows which incremental changes happen in public administrations that are implementing digital technologies and what their cumulative, transformative effects are on society as a whole.